In the wake of the battering Democrats received on Nov. 5, party members can agree on one thing — they need to appeal to working-class voters again. What they cannot agree on is exactly how to do so. One of the views I have encountered most frequently in the aftermath of the election is that Democrats lost the working-class voter by shifting too far left — and thus need to swing back to the center to meet Americans “where they’re at.” If you enjoyed losing the way you just did, then be my guest and move back to the same centrist ideologies that have more than run their course over the past 50 years. If you want to stay competitive, it’s time to take a calculated risk and embrace leftist economic policy and populist messaging.
What I’m proposing isn’t a radical new idea. In fact, Democrats used to be the party of the working class. From the 1930s through the 1970s, the party embraced the concept of big government, selling it as a reassuring institution that provided safety nets and had workers’ backs in their struggles against big business. The Democrats handily won rural and industrial states with this platform and messaging: West Virginia — heavily dependent on the coal industry — stayed blue even in the GOP landslides of 1980 and 1988. Now, though, it’s just about the reddest state in the union. So what changed?
In the 1980s, former President Ronald Reagan flipped the conversation on its head, framing the government as an obstacle to the prosperity of the working class rather than the solution to working-class problems. The GOP began pursuing neoliberal policies which sought to limit government intervention in the markets and other policy areas such as welfare and education. Democrats followed, embracing their own form of anti-government messaging and neoliberalism. This shift by both parties ultimately contributed to the mess we have today — a disillusioned working class that rightfully doesn’t believe in the government as it currently operates. President-elect Donald Trump took all this frustration and, with his populist rhetoric, channeled it at “the swamp,” his term for the Washington establishment. Even though both parties were involved in the neoliberal shift — and the GOP even started it — Trump has portrayed the Democrats as the primary representatives of the failing neoliberal institution, and the Democrats have had no viable response. It’s long overdue for Democrats to fight back and advertise themselves as a party that will depart from neoliberal norms.
This method can work in today’s political climate. People will not reflexively fear expanding the scope of government if you sell the idea well. One might point to how Republicans have labeled Democrats as “socialists” and “communists” for championing policies associated with government expansion — terms that resonate with voters by leveraging anti-communist sentiments. But these attacks only work because Democrats themselves shy away from admitting that their policies are a form of big government, leaving room for Republicans to define the narrative. If Democrats get their message to voters before Republicans can start applying labels, and if they break their policies down — showing voters how expanding the welfare state and subsidizing industry isn’t “communism” but common sense — then I believe the GOP’s attacks will fall flat.
We have already seen this form of leftist populism and the breaking down of complex policies in action — look no further than Senator Bernie Sanders, I-Vt. His policy platform may have flaws, but the way he breaks issues down and redirects working-class grievances to target “millionaires and billionaires” rather than the government is undeniably compelling to many voters. Critics of this approach commonly say that it only appeals to the left-most wing of the Democratic Party and alienates Trump voters. On the contrary, I have friends who support Trump but are still drawn to Sanders’s messaging. This seems paradoxical, but it makes total sense. Both candidates use populist messaging to appeal to the working class and separate themselves from establishment Washington. This battle between the establishment and the outsiders — more so than the old battle of left versus right — is what resonates with voters today.
To credit the Biden administration, it has made great efforts to move on from neoliberal policies and invest in America the way the government once did. Instead of attempting to “correct” harmful market externalities through weak initiatives such as carbon credits, the administration is working to build new, climate-friendly markets from the ground up through massive subsidies for the green energy and electric vehicle industries. As a result, billions of dollars are being poured into industrial states such as West Virginia and Pennsylvania, where dying coal and steel industries are being replaced with renewable energy, giving the working class new opportunities.
However, the Biden administration couldn’t sell its policies. It didn’t have a fiery figurehead like Sanders or Trump to sympathize with the working class and tie these policies to the fight against the elite. The administration wasn’t willing to play the role of ‘explainer-in-chief’ and break extensive economic legislation down into digestible ideas that resonate with voters. Instead of taking control of the narrative and centering it around economic policy, Democrats let Republicans lead the conversation to social issues and accuse Democrats of taking unpopular, “woke” stances such as defunding the police.
If the Democratic Party wants to stage a comeback, it needs to remember that it was once the party of the farmers, steelworkers and small business owners. It must go on the offensive and sell itself as the anti-establishment, anti-elitism party. It needs to explain how big government has been — and how it can again be — a force that supports the working class. It must solidify the shift away from neoliberalism and commit to significant government investment in industry and the welfare state. This approach — if the Democratic National Committee is brave enough to attempt it — can end the chaos of late-stage neoliberalism. It can end the scapegoating and division that has resulted from working-class struggles. And it will restore the American people’s relationship with American capitalism from one of frustration to one of prosperity.
Opinion articles represent the view(s) of their authors, which are not necessarily those of The Dartmouth.
